It shows that those engaged in the psychiatry and psychology of national societies are still underrating the significance of catathymia wishful thinking; thoughts and judgments distorted by feelings. First, I have to say that we should make a distinction between two human features: our external behavior—motoric, expressive, and mimic—and our mental behavior, which is related to the former far more than we might think, and which I would call conduct.
It seems that behavior is determined by genetic factors to a greater extent than conduct, which is more flexible since it is an outcome of mental attitudes and depends more on educational factors, spiritual exercise, and intellect. To my mind, behavior becomes automatic more readily than conduct, of course providing we consider the differentiation I have made is correct, and we agree to distinguish behavior from conduct, both of which blend together to give an integrated whole, which seems somewhat of a contradiction.
Quite naturally, every individual who is in good spirits, or at a moment of euphoria triggered artificially or created as a result of natural, external and internal factors, at first sight externally looks happy and completely different from a sad or apathetic person.
A person suffering from depression behaves in yet another way, slowly and heavily, slouching, and their facial muscles are slack, although here we must remember that a sad pyknic will look different from a sad and depressed leptosome. In addition there is an acquired feature—upbringing and education. Furthermore, a person brought up in good conditions, surrounded by care, comfort, and well-educated people, behaves in a different way from an individual from a background of poor and uneducated people.
Hence no biologist or neuropsychiatrist will deny the significance of typological features, or the character and intellectual differences between individuals. It seems that the mental features of a human individual are more flexible than his or her external behavior. Though it seems to me that their teachers themselves do not really know how people moved and behaved in the past. We know that an 18th-century marchioness moved gracefully and with an elegance it would probably be impossible for anyone to reproduce nowadays.
A person raised in the conventions of the 19th century, on the rules and savoir-vivre of that period, and obviously coming from a certain social sphere, moved in a way different from the way we move nowadays: probably more elegantly than is done nowadays. I observed the behavior of the professors before and in the camp from this point of view as well. Obviously, a scholar becomes a professor because of his intellectual qualities, not because of his motoric features.
The background of the arrested professors was not at all homogenous, but honores mutant mores honors change manners , therefore all the professors moved with a certain dignity and solemnity corresponding to their university status.
Moreover, some of them moved with an elegance that was inborn or cultivated since childhood, so they looked substantially different from the rest of the prisoners. I believe that a neuropsychiatrist with a contemporary social approach must see much more than did his predecessors, who dealt only with mental disorders and were not interested in external behavior.
Only when he has learned how to look at all these differences and make a mental note of them can he be called a modern, sociologically educated neuropsychiatrist. I watched the professors in the camp; they were distraught by the trauma of arrest and constantly hungry, but I must admit that even a month after their arrest you could clearly tell the difference between a Jagiellonian University professor and other prisoners.
Especially when you watched the closed ranks of professors marching to roll-call, you could easily see that these people were different from the majority of the prisoners in the camp. Of course, old-time refinement of longer standing was more resistant than the more contemporary varnish. Hence many of the professors looked like other prisoners already after a month, moved like them and sat at the table in the same manner as they. Hunger and mental exhaustion did their job.
Yet the good manners of some professors with a long tradition behind them remained sturdy until the very end.
As I watched the progressing atrophy of refinement, I acquired an impression that everyday human movements, especially the expressive ones, like facial expressions, depend more on genetic factors. Obviously, a leptosome will demonstrate greater restraint in his movement than a pyknic or a dysplastic, but this restraint does not depend upon his acquired mental inhibitions. Human character largely results from upbringing. That is why I want to touch upon another sociologically significant aspect of concentration camp life, the moral attitudes of prisoners regarding hunger and sexual deprivation.
What I mean here are two crucial, basic and innate unconditional reflexes, not the entirety of moral conduct in the camp. Appetite and the sexual drive are the most important instincts, and it might seem that all people behave in the same way in this respect. However, that is not the case. I observed this in the concentration camp and later reached a conclusion that even the most restrained individuals were oftentimes forced to act reflexively or without moral constraint when confronted with and challenged by these two instincts.
I also know of others who, at first sight, would have appeared very composed in this respect, yet on closer scrutiny it turned out that their restraint was not moral in origin at all, but that their craving for food and their sexual drive were characterized by an inherent weakness. So the two types should not be treated on a par when making an assessment of moral responsibility.
A person with weak instincts finds it fairly easy to control them, whereas someone with strong instincts will not find it easy to suppress them. So an individual belonging to the first type would not be a hero just because he did not steal bread in the camp; while someone in the latter category would be a true hero if he did not steal food.
Concentration camp prisoners punished their fellows very severely for the theft of bread. Such theft happened mainly among the political prisoners, because usually the antisocial prisoners did not go hungry thanks to their jobs and status. And that is why we should not throw the first stone at those concentration camp inmates who could not resist stealing bread.
Their hunger was unbearable, and their urge to eat huge amounts of food was very strong. That is why stealing bread will never be the same as stealing money or anything else.
Personally, I have never felt hunger in my life. I can go for one or two days without eating. I was hungry in the camp, but I could easily manage that feeling, and so I do not consider myself a hero just because I did not steal bread. My remarks should serve forensic scientists and lawyers as a memento for situations when they have to assess similar cases. On the other hand, the other important instinct, the sexual drive, was fairly easy to cope with in the camp.
Some young prisoners masturbated, although by the end of their imprisonment they did not do it so often due to their general exhaustion. For older prisoners, sex did not constitute a major problem. I know that things were different in Auschwitz, but getting in touch with women was easier there. We did not see a woman at all for the whole of our time in the camp. Nevertheless, that does not change the fact that the theft of bread was sometimes committed in the camp by the antisocial prisoners, who thereby deprived other prisoners of the chance to survive.
And that is why, as a rule, the theft of bread had to be punished severely. I believe that this important point has to be said, since every survivor is acquainted with this problem, but may not realize that there are two sides to this coin, like the two faces of the Roman god Janus. The intellectual attributes of our professors, the Sonderaktion Krakau group, did not diminish in the camp, although they were often overshadowed by thoughts about food.
Such were our thoughts, and such was the main subject of our conversations. Nevertheless, we organized interesting scientific meetings and recaps of lectures, and presented new developments in scholarship. Gwiazdomorski has given the best and most gripping description of these events in his monograph about his time in Sachsenhausen. Not only were these lectures adequately prepared and on a very good academic level, but they were also delivered in a colorful and interesting way.
Especially the lectures on literature, world history and art history were met with widespread enthusiasm and interest. Of course, the more specialized lectures on biology and the theoretical medical sciences did not receive such a big audience, but they were thoroughly prepared. Yet these events were more of an episode in our camp lives, since our main thoughts revolved around eating. The survival instinct was so strong that it overshadowed other instincts, including the sexual drive.
One of the important issues from the sociological point of view was the attitude of German prisoners to the group of Polish professors. Usually it was favorable. We did not feel that they hated us or were hostile. Quite the contrary — strong bonds of friendship developed between many members of the two national groups.
This can be evidenced even nowadays by our mutual visits and continuing cordial relations. To send a parcel, however, the Red Cross had to mark it with the name, number, and camp location of the recipient; requests for these details were always refused, so that there was no way to get desperately needed supplies into the camps. Even the distinction between guard and prisoner could become blurred.
From early on, the S. This system spared the S. In some cases, Kapos became almost as privileged, as violent, and as hated as the S.
Mory was sentenced to death but managed to commit suicide first. At the bottom of the K. Once there, however, they found themselves subject to special torments, ranging from running a gantlet of truncheons to heavy labor, like rock-breaking.
As the chief enemies in the Nazi imagination, Jews were also the natural targets for spontaneous S. The systematic extermination of Jews, however, took place largely outside the concentration camps. They had almost no inmates, since the Jews sent there seldom lived longer than a few hours. By contrast, Auschwitz, whose name has become practically a synonym for the Holocaust, was an official K. The first people to be gassed there, in September, , were invalids and Soviet prisoners of war.
It became the central site for the deportation and murder of European Jews in , after other camps closed. The vast majority of Jews brought to Auschwitz never experienced the camp as prisoners; more than eight hundred thousand of them were gassed upon arrival, in the vast extension of the original camp known as Birkenau.
Only those picked as capable of slave labor lived long enough to see Auschwitz from the inside. Many of the horrors associated with Auschwitz—gas chambers, medical experiments, working prisoners to death—had been pioneered in earlier concentration camps.
Oswald Pohl, the S. The most ambitious was the construction of a brick factory near Sachsenhausen, which was intended to produce a hundred and fifty million bricks a year, using cutting-edge equipment and camp labor. The failure of the factory, as Wachsmann describes it, was indicative of the incompetence of the S. To turn prisoners into effective laborers would have required giving them adequate food and rest, not to mention training and equipment.
It would have meant treating them like employees rather than like enemies. But the ideological momentum of the camps made this inconceivable.
Labor was seen as a punishment and a weapon, which meant that it had to be extorted under the worst possible circumstances. Prisoners were made to build the factory in the depths of winter, with no coats or gloves, and no tools. This debacle did not discourage Himmler and Pohl. On the contrary, with the coming of war, in , S. On the eve of the war, the entire K. New camps were built to accommodate the influx of prisoners from conquered countries and then the tens of thousands of Red Army soldiers taken prisoner in the first months after Operation Barbarossa, the German invasion of the U.
The enormous expansion of the camps resulted in an exponential increase in the misery of the prisoners. Food rations, always meagre, were cut to less than minimal: a bowl of rutabaga soup and some ersatz bread would have to sustain a prisoner doing heavy labor. The result was desperate black marketing and theft. At the same time, the need to keep control of so many prisoners made the S. The murder of prisoners by guards, formerly an exceptional event in the camps, now became unremarkable.
But individual deaths, by sickness or violence, were not enough to keep the number of prisoners within manageable limits. Accordingly, in early Himmler decided to begin the mass murder of prisoners in gas chambers, building on a program that the Nazis had developed earlier for euthanizing the disabled.
View fr o m Sachsenhausen w i th the old bridge and the [ Ansi ch t von de r Sachsenhausener S eit e mit d er Alten [ His designs for Potsdamer Platz, Alexanderplatz, and t h e Sachsenhausen M e mo rial Site in Oranienburg were competition entries which were not to be realized but reveal the architect's vision for Berlin and commemorative culture in Germany.
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